Racism, the 1958 Riots and Anti-Immigrant Groups

Everyday racism and insecurity in Notting Hill

During the 1950s, Caribbean migrants helped meet Britain’s post-war demand for labour, but their contribution did not protect them from racism. In Notting Hill, Black residents faced discrimination in housing and everyday life. Some landlords refused to rent to Black families, while pubs, clubs and shops could refuse them service. Verbal abuse and physical attacks made public spaces threatening rather than safe.

Overcrowding and poor housing affected the neighbourhood more widely. However, some white residents blamed migrants for shortages of housing and jobs. This was scapegoating: directing anger about wider social problems towards a particular group. Housing pressures did not automatically produce racial violence; racist attitudes and organised campaigns helped turn those pressures into hostility towards Black neighbours.

Policing added to the tension. Caribbean residents often regarded the police as unsupportive because officers were slow to respond to racist attacks and Black residents could themselves be arrested during disturbances. When people believed that reporting an attack would not bring protection, trust in the police weakened.

How anti-immigrant groups encouraged hostility

Oswald Mosley had led the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s. In 1948, he founded the Union Movement, which promoted hostility towards Black migrants and immigration. Its activities in Notting Hill included marches, posters and leaflets that blamed migrants for local problems. Such propaganda encouraged people to see their Black neighbours as a threat rather than as fellow residents.

Other far-right organisations reinforced this atmosphere. The League of Empire Loyalists spread anti-migrant messages. The White Defence League, founded in 1957 and led by Colin Jordan, sought the removal of non-white migrants from Britain. Its racist leaflets, graffiti and intimidating marches contributed to residents’ insecurity, and members were associated with street violence.

Some white youths known as Teddy Boys attacked Black residents. Teddy Boys were a youth subculture associated with Edwardian-inspired clothing, not a single political organisation. Some had friendly relationships with Black residents, so it would be misleading to describe all Teddy Boys as racist attackers. Nevertheless, violent gangs of Teddy Boys became closely associated with the attacks in Notting Hill.

These groups mattered because their influence was not confined to elections. Propaganda, intimidation and street attacks could make everyday life dangerous even without widespread electoral support.

The Notting Hill Riots, 1958

The riots developed in late August 1958 and continued into early September. An incident involving a mixed-race couple helped trigger violence in an area where racist hostility was already high. White mobs attacked Black residents and their homes, using weapons including iron bars, broken bottles and petrol bombs. Bramley Road and Latimer Road were important centres of the violence.

Black residents fought back to defend themselves and their homes. This distinction matters: the disturbances were not simply two communities choosing to fight on equal terms. Racist attacks drove residents to organise their own protection.

The police eventually restored order, but the response deepened arguments about policing. Both white and Black people were arrested. Police explanations that treated the riots as general disorder or youth violence, rather than recognising their racial character, angered Caribbean residents. They believed that their experiences of racist attacks and self-defence were being overlooked.

The riots also encouraged cooperation. The Inter-Racial Friendship Coordinating Council worked to reduce racial tension through local community activity. The West Indian Standing Conference represented Caribbean concerns and campaigned for better treatment and protection. Violence therefore produced both fear and a stronger determination to challenge discrimination collectively.

Kelso Cochrane’s murder and the community’s response

Kelso Cochrane was a 32-year-old carpenter from Antigua who had moved to Britain in 1954. On 17 May 1959, he was returning home from hospital after an accident when he was attacked and fatally stabbed on Southam Street, Notting Hill. Witnesses described his attackers as white men. Against the background of recent racist violence, many local residents believed the murder was racially motivated.

The police instead suggested robbery, although nothing had been stolen. No one was charged with the murder. The failure to bring anyone to justice, combined with disagreement over the motive, intensified mistrust between the Black community and the police.

The Inter-Racial Friendship Coordinating Council appealed to the government for racist violence to be treated as a serious criminal offence. Prime Minister Harold Macmillan did not act on this request. A White Defence League march was allowed to go ahead on 24 May 1959, further increasing anger and the feeling that Black residents were not receiving adequate protection.

More than 1,200 people attended Cochrane’s funeral. It became a peaceful public demonstration against racism and injustice, bringing people together in grief and solidarity. The murder strengthened demands for protection, political action and organisations able to make Black residents’ concerns heard.

Mosley’s 1959 election campaign: influence and limits

Later in 1959, Mosley stood for Parliament in Kensington North, the constituency that included Notting Hill. His Union Movement campaign used the slogan ‘Keep Britain White’. He falsely blamed Black migrants for shortages of jobs and housing and portrayed Caribbean migrants as a source of crime. He promised repatriation, even though many Caribbean migrants were legally British citizens.

The campaign exploited local tensions and kept racist accusations in public circulation. It also gave anti-racist campaigners a focus for opposition.

Mosley received only 8.1% of the vote, around 2,600 votes, and failed to win the seat. This demonstrated the limits of his electoral support and weakened the Union Movement. However, electoral failure did not erase the fear caused by its activities. The important distinction is between limited political success and real harm through propaganda and intimidation.

Racism and policing

• Housing discrimination, refusal of service, abuse and attacks restricted Black residents’ lives.
• Migrants were scapegoated for housing and job shortages.
• Slow protection against racist violence and arrests of Black residents weakened trust in the police.

Riots: 1958

• Late August–early September: white mobs attacked Black residents and homes; residents organised self-defence.
• Bramley Road and Latimer Road: centres of violence.
• Police restored order, but explanations based on general disorder downplayed racism.
• Community responses included the Inter-Racial Friendship Coordinating Council and West Indian Standing Conference.

Kelso Cochrane: 1959

• 17 May: Antiguan-born carpenter, aged 32, fatally stabbed on Southam Street after returning from hospital.
• Community suspected racism; police suggested robbery, although nothing was stolen.
• No one was charged; mistrust increased.
• 24 May: White Defence League march permitted despite community concerns.
• Over 1,200 mourners: funeral became a peaceful protest and strengthened demands for justice.

Anti-immigrant groups

• Union Movement: Mosley; founded 1948; racist propaganda and repatriation demands.
• White Defence League: Colin Jordan; founded 1957; intimidation and racial exclusion.
• Some Teddy Boys carried out attacks; not all Teddy Boys were racist.
• 1959 Kensington North election: Mosley campaigned under ‘Keep Britain White’; won 8.1%, around 2,600 votes, and lost.
• Key judgement: these groups increased fear and hostility despite limited electoral support.